Camels In the Roman Empire? There’s Evidence for That!

Hot on the heels of our questioning of a claim over at Gizmodo (Camels in Greece? Really Gizmodo? Source? comes news of a paper on archaeological evidence for camel use in the Roman Empire in — of all places — Belgium! I first saw it in USA Today, but the abstract for the source article is available at the Journal of Archaeological Science page at Elsevier:

Fabienne Pigièrea, Denis Henrotay, Camels in the northern provinces of the Roman Empire

Abstract

This paper describes the camel bones discovered in two Late Roman contexts from Arlon (Belgium). The morphological and metrical analyses identify the animal as a dromedary.

The goal of this paper is also to provide an inventory of all camel finds published for the northern provinces of the Roman Empire. Based on a review of twenty-two archaeological sites with camel bones, it is shown that both the dromedary and Bactrian camel were imported to the northern Roman provinces and that the camels were present throughout the whole Roman period. This study also demonstrates that the camel discoveries cannot be linked exclusively with military contexts, as traditionally postulated. Indeed, several finds derive from civilian settlements (villas and cities). All sites with camel remains are located close to roads and are widespread throughout the Roman road network. It is suggested that the camels imported to the northern provinces might have been originally pack animals linked with both military and civilian traffic.
Highlights

► We describe the remains of a Late Roman dromedary from a site in Belgium.

► A review of camel finds from 22 sites in the northern Roman provinces is provided.

► Both dromedary and Bactrian camel were imported throughout the whole Roman period.

► Camel discoveries derive from both military and civilian settlements.

► They might have been pack animals linked with the traffic on the Roman road.

As might be expected, if you want to read the whole thing you have to shell out 30+ dollars … that said, for no particular reason except this is one of those things that stuck in my head from grade school when we were studying the assorted gold rushes in British Columbia (or maybe I saw a picture in a museum): some enterprising guy back in the 1860s brought 23 camels to B.C. to serve as pack animals

Michael Scott on Life in Ancient Greece

From a Cambridge press release (which is being picked up by other services) comes hype for a talk which will be part of the Darwin Lectures … this one’s by Michael Scott on life in ancient Greece:

There’s a general feeling that we don’t get the Greeks – ancient or modern. Many, including heads of state like Angela Merkel, visibly shake their head in exasperation, rightly or wrongly, at the Greek response to the(ir) economic crisis. And most newspaper articles either start or round up their coverage of the modern situation with some expression of nostalgic comparison to the glory days of ancient Greece. But to what exactly are we referring? Just what was life like in ancient Greece?

It sounds a simple question, one which scholars around the world have been working on in various ways for hundreds of years. Surely, we should have a pretty good answer by now. And yet, the moment you scratch beneath the surface of the traditional comparison, the issue becomes more confusing. Compare, for a moment, the Romans. Most people, I would argue, have a pretty good picture in their heads about what the Romans were like. But the Greeks? If the heavily divided reactions to portrayals of ancient Greece in recent Hollywood movies are anything to go by (remember the furor around Oliver Stone’s Alexander in comparison to the more general triumph of Gladiator), we are much more divided over how to imagine the ancient Greeks than we might initially think. In short, while we know we owe them a lot, we struggle to agree on what they were really like.

In part, that continuing uncertainty and conflict over what life was like in the ancient Greek world is a product of the very fact that we have been so interested and absorbed in the question. Since the 15th century, at the moment when people began to become interested in the surviving ruins of ancient Greece (as opposed to only its surviving literature), what life in ancient Greece was like has been an increasingly busy battleground not just for academics interested in the ancient world, but for artists, collectors, writers, politicians and philosophers to name but a few. For much of that time, ancient Greece has been held up as an ideal, and as such, something in which much of Western Europe has a heavy stake. But an ideal of what? In part because so little was known about the realities of ancient Greece in the 15th-17th centuries, the articulation of ancient Greece as an ideal rested upon modern re-imaginings of the pictures conjured up by ancient literature, populated with increasing numbers of pieces of ancient ‘art’ and architecture as they came to light, which were then ‘fitted in’ to that model. It was in effect something of a blank canvas, an ‘ideal’ ancient world which in fact could be fashioned to look like whatever the modern world wanted their ‘ideal’ to be.

As a result, our picture of life in ancient Greece not only became a fundamental part of the geology of the mental landscape of Western Europe, but also, more importantly, was fundamentally fashioned by the events, needs and ideas of that world. And as those events, needs and ideas have changed and been debated in our world over the centuries since, so too has the resulting – often conflicted – picture of ancient Greece. At times it has been a place of ideal grandeur, at others primitive reality. Sometimes the epitome of noble simplicity and at other times one of savage cruelty. A perpetual holiday realm, a foreign distant never-never land, a ‘twin’ of the modern era, a waste of space – ancient Greece has been all of these things and more to us over the centuries.

Nor has the growing ‘academic’ study of ancient Greece and particularly that of archaeology – itself born from and motivated by the perception of Greece as an ideal – been able to settle that debate. Sometimes, early Greek sculpture was brutally transfigured to ensure it fitted with modern morality (like the hacking off genitals and the covering up of nudity). At other times, it has fired up the debate even further, for example when the detailed study of the Parthenon marbles led many scholars to deny they were Greek at all, so far did they diverge from what was thought to be ‘the’ nature of ancient Greek art and ancient Greece. Today’s scholarship continues to complicate the debate by making clear just how much Greece was not a monolithic unchanging entity in the ancient world either, but rather a flexible grouping of peoples with sometimes very different ideals, forces and attitudes, all responding to a harsh and constantly changing world.

The result of all this is two-fold. First, it makes the question ‘who were the ancient Greeks?’ far more interesting: we need to think not only about the complexities of their ancient reality, but also about how they have been represented over the centuries. Second, it means that studying the ancient Greeks actually offers us a mirror with which to study ourselves. How we have chosen to envisage them at any one time tells us as much about us as it does about them. And as the Greeks come to the fore once again as the barometer of the world financial crisis, coupled with nostalgic longings for ‘the good old days’ of ancient Greece, at the same time as the Olympics, with its own ancient Greek heritage, hits London in 2012, it seems clear that the question ‘what was life like in the ancient world’ has a long life of its own still to live.

Dr Michael Scott’s lecture ‘Life in the Ancient World’ is at 5.30pm at the Lady Mitchell Hall, Sidgwick Site, Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge, CB39DA. All welcome. Please arrive by 5.15pm to ensure a seat. For more on Michael Scott’ work http://www.michaelcscott.com or follow him on Twitter at @drmichaelcscott

National Latin Teachers Recruitment Week

As long as we’re marking calendars and talking Latin, it seems like a good time to remind folks that National Latin Teachers Recruitment Week (in the U.S.) is coming up the first week of March and that their Facebook page has moved (which you might not be aware of). Of course, the place for all the materials are at the National Committee for Latin and Greek page (aka promotelatin.org … click on the NLTRW link for specifics). That said, an observation: NLTRW is always the first week of March; I had never heard of this International Mother Language Day (see next post) before this week. If NLTRW could move up a week or two, it seems like it could very well be a promotional match made in heaven (imagine a week promoting mother languages — especially Latin — followed by a week of teacher recruitment).

Mark Your Calendars: February 21 … International Mother Language Day

Seems like a great opportunity to hype Latin … here’s an item from the TES by John Gilmore on the ‘state of the language’ to get you in the mood, if needed:

Alone on his island, Robinson Crusoe decided to put up a sign to attract the attention of any passing ship. He spent two paragraphs debating with himself which language to use: if he wrote in French or English, those on board a German, Spanish or Portuguese vessel might not understand and would sail on. On the other hand, Latin was known all over Europe and he might hope that on a ship of any nationality there would be someone who would know what he meant when he inscribed the words Ferte opem misero Robinsoni (“Help the unfortunate Robinson”).

This story is not in Daniel Defoe’s 1719 novel; it comes from Robinson Crusoeus, a Latin adaptation by a French schoolmaster called Francois Goffaux, first published in Paris in 1810, with nearly a dozen further editions appearing in France, Britain and North America over the next 120 years. The anecdote itself, and the publishing history of Goffaux’s work, help to show how Latin retained its practical and cultural importance for much longer than we might think and offer a glimpse of the sometimes surprising extent of post-classical Latin.

The teaching of Latin has undergone something of a revival in the past 15 or 20 years. Bloomsbury has even published Harry Potter books in Latin: Harrius Potter et Philosophi Lapis was released in 2003, followed by Harrius Potter et Camera Secretorum in 2007. Both were translated by Peter Needham.

But the emphasis is nearly always on the Latin of classical antiquity. This is, to a significant extent, driven by the demands of examination syllabuses: at both GCSE and A level, OCR set texts are drawn from classical authors such as Caesar, Tacitus, Virgil and Ovid. As a result, it is possible to study Latin at school without being aware of any author later than about the 2nd or 3rd century AD. There is a certain logic to this, as classical Latin is the foundation of all later Latin. As Keith Sidwell says in the preface to his Reading Medieval Latin: “It cannot be stated strongly enough that Latin is Latin. It retained its identity throughout the period when it was the main medium for the transmission of intellectual culture.”

Nevertheless, the majority of surviving Latin literary works date from after the classical period. The history, literature and culture of Western Europe for a millennium and a half after the fall of the Roman Empire cannot be properly understood without reference to what was written in Latin.

This is not the case only for the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, for well into the 18th and 19th centuries significant works in the humanities and sciences continued to be produced in Latin in order to ensure the widest possible readership. An obvious example would be Isaac Newton’s Principia. Less widely known is the way in which many texts from Asian literatures first became known in Europe through Latin versions, such as the first complete Western translation of the Confucian Book of Odes by the 18th-century French Jesuit Alexandre Lacharme, which was posthumously published in 1830 and was still being used as a crib by Ezra Pound in the early 20th century. Although it was not the first Western version of the Bhagavad Gita, the Latin translation (1823) by August Wilhelm Schlegel was particularly influential.

Medieval and Renaissance Latin are taught on a number of university courses, but some of this material could usefully be used in schools as well. Goffaux reminds us that, for a very long time, Latin in schools involved the study of modern as well as classical texts. One consequence was that in the 18th century, most English readers had little knowledge of literature in Italian, but many were familiar with the Italian Renaissance poets who wrote in Latin and a work like Vida’s Scacchia Ludus (the Game of Chess) was used as a school textbook. It had several merits: it was written in hexameters, which would bear comparison with Virgil; it was free of embarrassing descriptions of sexual passion of the kind found in something like the story of Dido and Aeneas; its mock-heroic tone was often genuinely humorous; and it was relatively short – not as long as the Aeneid.

There is an enormous amount of 18th-century verse in Latin by British writers, inevitably of varying quality, but some once well-known anthologies are still worth exploring. Among them are the two collections published under the title of Carmina Quadragesimalia (Lent Verses) in 1723 and 1748 and several times reprinted. These were exercises by students of Christ Church, Oxford, on assigned themes that were often supposedly of a scientific nature. The poems are usually short, no more than 20 lines or so in classical elegiac couplets, and treat the theme purely as a starting point for a reworking of a literary story – which may be classical in origin, but is sometimes taken from English writers such as Shakespeare or Pope – or for humorous anecdotes of 18th-century life on topics ranging from beggars to tavern life to the fashion for Italian opera.

School anthologies such as those published as Musae Etonenses or Lusus Westmonasterienses also include much of interest – many schoolboys devoted a large part of their waking lives to Latin verse composition, and it is not surprising that some of them became capable of work that goes beyond technical competence to levels of considerable sophistication.

Several major English writers, such as Milton, Addison and Johnson, produced significant quantities of Latin verse, some of which is available in modern editions. Other writers, such as Vincent Bourne (1695-1747), once enjoyed a high reputation based solely on verse in Latin.

The possibilities of medieval Latin should not be neglected either. The Vulgate Bible, arguably the most important text in Western Europe for 15 centuries, is a mine of stories suitable for classroom use, such as David and Goliath or Susanna and the Elders.

While medieval Latin can sometimes seem strange to those accustomed to classical Latin literature, several good introductions are available. Renaissance and later Latin writers usually pay close attention to classical models, even if we do occasionally find strange items of vocabulary for things unknown to the Romans – Goffaux’s Robinson encounters cocossae, for example, which are coconuts.

There is a need for more modern scholarly editions, such as those found in the I Tatti Renaissance Library (which include facing translations, such as the Loeb Classical Library, and are reasonably priced), and it would be nice to have one or two new anthologies of modern Latin verse specifically designed for school use. Nevertheless, thanks to the growing availability of online texts at sites such as The Latin Library and of print-on-demand editions, much of this material is more easily available than ever before. In the classroom, it can offer not just a change from yet another extract from Caesar or Virgil, but a way of demonstrating the central importance of Latin through virtually the entire history of European culture.

John T. Gilmore is an associate professor in the department of English and comparative literary studies at the University of Warwick. He is the translator of Musae Anglicanae Anglice Redditae and is currently working on an English verse translation of a Latin poem on coffee by Guillaume Massieu (first published in 1738)

JOB: Generalist @ DePauw (one year)

Seen on rome-arch:

DePauw University – Greencastle, IN


The Department of Classical Studies invites applications for a one-year term position beginning August 2012. Rank and salary commensurate with experience. Ph.D. preferred. We seek a broadly trained classicist to teach Latin at all undergraduate levels and Classical Civilization courses in translation. Teaching load is 3/3. Commitment to undergraduate teaching in a liberal arts environment is essential. For information about the department, please visit http://www.depauw.edu/academics/departments-programs/classical-studies/.

Application materials should include the following: an application letter, curriculum vitae, copy of transcripts, three letters of recommendation, statement of teaching philosophy and scholarly interests, evidence of teaching effectiveness, and a short manuscript or offprint. All materials should be submitted electronically to: classicssearch AT depauw.edu. Review of applications will begin March 15, 2012 and continue until the position is filled. DePauw University is an Equal Employment Opportunity Employer. Women and members of underrepresented groups are encouraged to apply.